Welcome to the website. Its focus is on aiding Congress in its review of the UFO phenomenon from a broader perspective than they will likely get from the military and intelligence communities. On June 25, 2021, four congressional committees will receive a Report from the Director of National Intelligence and the Secretary of Defense answering questions posed to them by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. Each committee member who will receive the Report has already received a copy of UFO Briefing Book: A Guide to Congressional Oversight to the UAP Phenomenon. This Guide does not ask Congress to come to any particular answer about the UFO/UAP phenomenon. Instead, it is a constructed to help them ask the right questions and talk to the most knowledgeable people about the phenomenon.
Please excuse the flaws in this website. I use WORDPRESS, which is an excellent platform. However, I am far from tech proficient and there may be some bumps in your journey. As you experience the site, think about my two adult children rolling their eyes about their Dad’s efforts. My focus is on the content and the arguments made, not on the structure of the site itself. My main qualifications for running a website is that, in the mid-1990s, I spoke to a California City Attorneys’ Seminar on how to use the internet. My main qualification was that I had an account with AOL. Much has changed since then and I struggle to keep up. Please look at the content of the message and not the technical prowess of the Messenger.
My other goal is to provide ideas to help people think of ways to make their opinions heard by our elected public servants. You can write or email your Member of Congress by using this link: https://whoismyrepresentative.com/
Please copy one of the form letters on this site and amend as you see fit. You could also just email your Member of Congress with the phrase: Stop UFO Secrecy. It is easy. Don’t just complain, do something.
Below, I have listed a series of questions and answers about my purpose for asking Congress to use its traditional methods of Oversight to begin peeling back the layers of secrecy. The American People need to be informed about what the government has been doing about this phenomenon for the last seventy-five plus years. Thanks for your interest and enjoy the ride..
What inspired you to write your Congressional Guide?
As news of the request for the UAP Task Force Report emerged, I reviewed past efforts at disclosure and current thinking about it. With today’s situation appearing much more promising, I saw an opportunity to engage Congress by advocating they use one of their traditional tools, oversight hearings.
When legislators conduct oversight of government operations, they hear from experts within and outside of government. They also hear from first hand witnesses to the issue. Applying that same approach here would allow congressional committees to learn for themselves about the government’s involvement with the phenomenon.
I knew I should advocate for elected officials to use regular techniques to ask the right questions. This phenomenon is outside of their comfort zone, so using a tried and true method could help make this phenomenon a serious public policy issue.
My 40 years’ experience representing elected officials helped me understand how they prefer to approach a problem. Give them the tools to find the answers for themselves, really no different than most of us. I am retired so I saw this project as a way to put my knowledge to work and help my country and planet. This issue is poised to become a serious topic of public policy discussion. It is long overdue.
What about this time is different than previous efforts to get the government to disclose what they know about UFOs?
2020 was a watershed year that has potentially set the stage for full Disclosure. Consider that in January 2020, UFO researchers were being denied requests for copies of the three Navy UAP videos on national security grounds even though they had already been given to the New York Times in 2017. Yet by April 2020, the Pentagon declassified the three Navy videos. In May 2020, the Pentagon acknowledged the existence of the UAP Task Force operating in the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI). By June 8th, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, by unanimous consent, asked the DNI and SecDef for the UAP Report within 180 days of the final approval of the Intelligence Authorization Act for FY 2021.
Since these actions, many other disclosures have occurred. No time in history have so many government revelations been made in such a short period of time. Whether it was driven by deliberate policy or reactions to press coverage, it will be hard for the military and intelligence communities to put the toothpaste back in the tube.
There is another reason that now is the time. With potential discoveries on the horizon, any resistance may be only delaying the inevitable. On October 31, 2021, the James Webb Telescope will be launched. It will see nearby star systems with the greatest detail ever. Before the 117th Congress ends at the beginning of 2023, we could know that life exists somewhere else in the Universe, perhaps intelligent life. Our elected leaders are going to have to get ahead of the curve or be labeled as ones who were part of the last Congress to hide these facts about non-terrestrial visitors.
After life elsewhere is confirmed, there will be a higher level of scrutiny about claims of Earth visitation. The main presumption against the proposition will be gone. There is intelligent life elsewhere. The next argument about the theoretical impossibility of space travel is already fraying around the edges. Simultaneously, many theoretical scientific understandings are falling, starting with the quantum world. The standard model is being called into question with particles that do not fit the model, while space/time conundrums, also in the quantum world, continue to confound scientists. Right now, we only understand less than 5% of the mass and energy in the Universe. The rest is just labeled “dark” matter with little other explanation. In each of these areas of inquiry, we appear to be on the brink of discoveries that would be confirmatory or at least not in conflict with non-terrestrial visitations. Congress needs to decide if they are going to be in front of the parade or, trying to deny the parade permit, while the parade passes them by.
What are you advising Congress to do with the Report that is due on June 25, 2021?
Ask questions; call professionally trained eye witnesses; and conduct normal oversight to determine how our taxpayer’s money is being spent. Try to determine whether these objects are a threat. Also, approve programs that train our military personnel on how to deal with this phenomenon.
This issue came within the jurisdiction of the Armed Services and Select Committees on Intelligence because of the potential threat to our military. Congress would be negligent if it did not look into the potential threats if these unknown craft are a product of our adversaries, terrestrial or not.
However, Congress cannot be satisfied with vague answers about a threat that may be from Russia or China without specific evidence. These four committees are not assigned the authority to study the mysteries of the Universe. They need to be satisfied that the phenomenon is not a serious threat first. After that, if there is an absence of evidence of a terrestrial source, they will need to expand their inquiry. That includes coordinating with other governments around the world.
How have you approached Congress? How is your approach different than previous efforts?
In the past, most of the efforts have been to get Congress to believe that there are unknown objects that may not be of terrestrial origin. NICAP stands out as an organization that made some of the best efforts. Also, the diligent work of Stanton Friedman, Donald Schmidtt and others about Roswell was outstanding, yet they were met with official derision and falsehood. Today, the Navy did this for us with confirmation of the three videos as unidentified flying objects. It is now public knowledge that UFOs exist.
Now the question is not whether these unknown objects exist, but what are they? This gives us the ability to question what is to be done with this knowledge. There are many reasons to change policy. In the UFO Briefing Book, one reason to change policy is to lessen the strain these incidents put on our front line military personnel.
Using the 2004 Nimitz encounters as the primary examples, our military personnel were put into an awkward position. Faced with unidentified craft that anticipate our actions; defy laws of physics; and effortlessly engage our most advanced planes, front line personnel received no support from their superiors. Incidents were ignored; no after action plans were discussed; electronic records were mysteriously removed; and there is still no training to help deal with these recurring incidents. From the perspective of service personnel that witnessed encounters that they are not trained for, the system let them down.
At a minimum, these objects were cause for cancellation of training before deployment to a war zone. At worst, there was a deliberate policy in place that prevented our military personnel from being prepared for possibly the most serious threat since the founding of the Republic.
If these objects are terrestrial, an adversary has had at least a 16 year head start with technology for which we have no defense. If they are non-terrestrial, they have likely been around since at least WWII. Yet our military still treats each event as if it had no precedent. Congress would be remiss in its duties if it left things the way they are.
What do you think Congress will be told by the military and intelligence communities? (What will be in the UAP Report?)
I believe that the declassified Report, due on June 25, 2021, will be like the first layer of an onion. The attached classified Appendix will be the second layer. Thereafter, it will depend on the resolve of the Congress to continue its efforts in open and classified settings. My hope is that there will be an iterative process where each successive request narrows in on what the federal government knows in that rarified air surrounding the classified, compartmentalized world.
Initially, we will get partial disclosures. We will learn that there are a series of incidents that fit the same profile as the Nimitz and Roosevelt incidents. They involve all service branches. There will be no credible information pointing to a terrestrial source. They will promise further briefings and to begin a review of information across service branches and the intelligence community to gather information for most of the questions that were generated by the Senate Intel committee. In other words, I foresee the Report, due June 25, 2021, “slow walking” information to Congress. If the Congress does not object to the pace of information they are receiving, the supply of information will remain the same or dwindle. Congress will have to be aggressive to be able to learn enough of the picture to consider legislative amendments or changes in funding priorities in a reasonable period of time.
What are your short term expectations of what Congress will do with this information?
They will move cautiously. If they begin working in a bipartisan manner, the pace will go much faster. If there is partisan finger pointing, the process will slow down and/or stop. We got to this point with Democrats and Republicans being equally involved. At first, during WWII and the late 40s, it was understandable that the government would want to cover things up until they figured it out. We were first in a world war and then the beginnings of a cold war with nuclear weapons hanging over our heads. What a time to have aliens show up.
This was understandable through at least through the middle of the Eisenhower Administration. More worrisome, however, were the methods used to keep the matter secret. Similar to other civil liberty excesses of the period, they violated our sense of constitutional fairness. In the 1970s, much was revealed about these excesses by a Senate Special Committee. However, two subjects were ignored by the Senate Committee popularly referred to as the Church Committee. The committee did not look at CIA payments to journalists or at efforts to suppress speech about UFO sightings. I have finished another book on the latter topic that should be out this summer. Its tentative title is Threat to the Body Politic: How the CIA Suppressed the Study of UFOs.
However, we are 75 plus years into the phenomenon. It is not going away, and modern technology makes the UFO/UAPs more visible to the military and the general public. Yet, the federal policy has been that the UFO phenomenon does not exist. Even now, there has been no formal policy change. By default, the federal policy is still that all UFOs are the product of mistaken identity, fabrication or the product of delusional minds. In the short-term, my hope is that Congress will force the government to formally acknowledge that the UFO phenomenon is real, and oversight will continue to peel back the onion layers on a bipartisan basis.
The referral from the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence is concerned about the threat potential of UAPs. Do you think they are a threat?
They are not a terrestrial-based threat. I do not discount the possibility there are small numbers of reverse-engineered terrestrial craft, but they were not the cause of the Nimitz or Roosevelt encounters. However, the most likely terrestrial suspects are Russia and China. Yet, neither Russia nor China had the capability, pre-2004 (Nimitz), to develop and deploy dozens of ultra-high performance vehicles. It was simply beyond their capabilities.
Consider the specialized materials, propulsion system, and other technological advances that are needed to be brought together to produce a single prototype of the Nimitz Carrier Group “tic tacs.” Electronic records, currently held by some U.S. agency, and eyewitness accounts showed that there were “dozens” of these objects flying in formation. These objects performed impossible aerobatics while in formation. Even if a foreign power produced a prototype before November 2004, the public testimony shows that the number of craft and their performance characteristics must have been in service many years before the Nimitz encounters.
To overcome these obstacles, classified information must show that either China or Russia diverted a significant portion of their GDP to secret projects involving exotic technologies well before 2004. Given the development and testing needed to put multiple advanced craft into service by 2004, the terrestrial adversary possibility is simply not plausible. To advise Congress that one of these adversaries is the source of these objects, the DNI report’s classified appendix would have to share information to overcome these apparent obstacles. Also, if the “threat assessment” standard is based on technological capability, our possible visitors would be automatically considered a “threat”.
Yet, the threat analysis should not be defined solely by capability. The United States is capable of aggressive conduct to settle foreign policy disputes. But in the vast majority of situations, the U.S. has resorted to diplomatic measures to respond to inappropriate conduct. Given the 75-year-plus track record of non-aggression, a military-first response to the phenomenon should not be our policy. A “threat” finding must be based on capabilities plus demonstrated overt aggressive actions. Our terrestrial adversaries, China and Russia, meet this aggression threshold, but did not have the capability in 2004. Non-terrestrial sources have the capability, but there is little or no evidence of overt acts of hostility towards our military by extraterrestrials. The classified record would have to overcome these obstacles.
If they are non-terrestrial, are they more or less a threat than if controlled by a US adversary?
The unknown non-terrestrial sources, if any, do not meet this “threat” threshold without classified evidence of aggressive conduct. Capability alone, without demonstrated acts that show intent, leaves us without evidence of an extraterrestrial threat. After 75 plus years of a documented presence, this conduct cannot automatically be considered threatening. Affirmative acts showing hostile intention are needed to jump to an initial conclusion that these visitors intend harm to our military.
Observation and selective acts of temporarily disarming a portion of our nuclear forces could also point to a possibility that is more benign. Consider our current stage of development. We are on the verge of space exploration and possess world-destroying weapons. This may alarm local neighbors who have already passed this stage of development. A much older civilization may be concerned with our aggressive behavior if we were to develop interstellar exploration, whether via probes or a human crew.
Concern of a nearby neighbor may not be a civilization in a local star system. The nearest neighbor may be occupying the same “space” as Earth in another dimension. The effects of a nuclear detonation may extend past the dimension we live in and cause harm to another. After all, our scientific knowledge is limited to the observable matter that only makes up less than five percent of the universe. The other 95% is made up of dark matter and dark energy about which we know very little. The need to monitor our nuclear weapons development and deployment may be about concern for nearby realms.